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Prevent furniture fires: Get the killer chemicals out of your couch

March 25th, 2012 admin No comments

Photo: Arlen

By Valerie Pacino

Photo by S. F. Pitman.

Cross-posted from Sightline.

Eureka! In a legislative dogfight of global significance, the California legislature will consider a bill this spring to modernize the “12-second rule,” the state’s obscure furniture flammability standard that fails to protect us from fires even while it poisons homes across North America.

Late last month, Rep. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) introduced AB 2197 [PDF], a bill that will bring California’s flammability standard into line with 35 years of independent fire safety science and 20 years of research by the U.S. government.

California’s furniture market is so big that manufacturers treat the 12-second rule as a North American standard — they don’t want to make two different product lines. “The entire world is watching California to see if we will act to prevent continuing global contamination from chemicals used to meet [the 12-second rule],” writes the Natural Resources Defense Council’s Sarah Janssen.

The 12-second rule relies on an open flame ignition standard — furniture foam cannot ignite when exposed to an open flame for 12 seconds. But because this test applies only to the stuffing inside furniture and not to the fabric that covers the stuffing — and first encounters flames in real fires — the rule provides no fire safety benefits [PDF]. All it does is force furniture makers to blend flame retardants into the foam — chemicals that are suspected or proven to cause a list of maladies ranging from infertility and impotence to obesity and cancer.

The California bill, backed by a coalition of firefighters, scientists, businesses, consumers, and public health advocates, would replace this standard with one based on smolder ignition. In the test, a lit cigarette is placed on a model piece of furniture called a “mock-up” for 45 minutes. If the smoldering cigarette produces flames at any point, the mock-up fails the test. After 45 minutes, the fabric cannot continue to smolder and the foam underneath cannot have lost more than 10 percent of its mass.

The U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission [PDF], which devised the smolder ignition standard, reviewed national fire loss estimates for 2002-2004 and found that “approximately 90% of estimated deaths, 65% of estimated injuries, and 59% of property damage resulted from ignition by smoking materials, almost always cigarettes.”

Whereas the 12-second rule is 0 percent effective [PDF], the modernized standard would likely be 60 percent effective [PDF] at reducing these deaths, injuries, and damages, according to the Commission. And the new standard does not have the side effect of promoting use of toxic chemicals.

Furniture manufacturers can use either of two strategies [PDF] to comply with the new standard. They can use smolder-resistant cover materials such as wool, which is naturally fire-resistant, or they can use natural barriers between the cover fabric and the interior foam.

Natural fabrics, natural barriers, no toxic chemicals! Too good to be true?

The Consumer Products Safety Commission implemented a similar flammability standard for mattresses in 2007, and it is commonly met [PDF] using inexpensive barrier technology rather than mixing flame retardants into foam. One manufacturer simply wraps its mattresses with a layer of wool quilting. In five years, one Commission model estimates [PDF] the new flammability standard has resulted in at least 1,200 fewer deaths and 5,750 fewer injuries from mattress fires. Countless more people were spared exposure to toxic chemicals.

Still, supporters of the new furniture flammability bill will need to fend off Big Chem, its proxies, and its misled parade of witnesses.

AB 2197 is the sixth attempt in six years to curtail toxic flame retardants in furniture. A bill introduced in 2007 banned a particularly dangerous flame retardant, but it failed. In 2008, a bill outlawed a host of dangerous flame retardants. It failed. In 2009, a bill sought exemption for children’s products. It failed. A bill in 2010 placed flame retardants under regulatory control of California’s Green Chemistry Initiative. It failed. Last year, Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) introduced a mild bill that offered manufacturers an alternative flammability standard. It failed in committee.

This year, champions for change are upping the ante. Instead of a piecemeal approach, they are demanding a tough flammability standard that actually protects Californians from fire — and from chemicals.

“Just this past week, a UC Davis study was the newest among many that link fire retardant chemical exposure to autism spectrum disorders, learning disabilities, decreased fertility, and other serious health conditions,” notes Ana Mascareñas of Physicians for Social Responsibility.

Rachel Sarnoff from Healthy Child, Healthy World echoes, “Moms and dads shouldn’t feel they have to be biochemists to shop for safe products for their children.”

For more information about how you can get involved in the furniture flammability standard, see the original story in Sightline. Over the past seven months, they’ve described this scientifically discredited standard; provided nine (adorable) reasons to modernize the standard; refuted Big Chem’s star witness; and uncovered the engine of toxic political influence that shuns fire safety in favor of profits.

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Don’t drink the weed killer: Atrazine taints rural groundwater

November 30th, 2011 admin No comments

by Tom Laskawy.

If you want to understand all that is wrong
with our government’s environmental safety priorities, you need only look at
the sad story of the weed killer atrazine. Despite the fact that study after
study has demonstrated its dangers, it remains one of the most commonly used
herbicides in the U.S.—to the tune of 76 million pounds a year.

Atrazine is highly volatile—which means not
only can it leach into groundwater through the fields, but it can become
airborne and drift into waterways. Much of the Midwest’s water supply contains
detectable levels of the stuff. I know a Midwesterner who will proudly declare—tongue firmly in cheek—“we Iowans
drink atrazine for breakfast!”

Laughing aside,
Atrazine is an endocrine disruptor that also appears to cause cancer.
The European Union, concerned about its toxicity, banned the chemical in 2004.
But here in the U.S. you’ll continue to find reports like this one in Brownfield, an industry trade magazine, that
declares that atrazine “is still a viable option for producers to manage weed
problems.”

Atrazine is
manufactured by one of the most powerful agribiz companies in the world,
Syngenta, which profits mightily from herbicide sales. In fact, as the Huffington Investigative Fund discovered, the EPA relied heavily on
Syngenta-funded research to establish the safety of the herbicide. So it should come as no surprise that atrazine
remains on the market and is embraced by large-scale corn growers across the
country (estimates are that it’s applied to 75 percent of corn fields in the U.S.).

Of course, Sygenta
maintains there is no risk to humans or wildlife from atrazine—the company
even put out a video touting its benefits.
Yet a pair of studies have just been released that even the EPA can’t ignore.

The first, appearing in the Journal of Steroid Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, is a review by a team of 22 international
scientists examining a broad range of studies conducted in the laboratory and
in the field that examines atrazine’s status as an endocrine disruptor in mammals,
fish, and amphibians. Their analysis confirmed that atrazine is dangerous at
levels the EPA considers “safe.” Dangerous how? Like this (via ScienceDaily):

… Atrazine
exposure can change the expression of genes involved in hormone signaling,
interfere with metamorphosis, inhibit key enzymes that control estrogen and
androgen production, skew the sex ratio of wild and laboratory animals (toward
female) and otherwise disrupt the normal reproductive development and
functioning of males and females.

Oh, and it also
suppresses immune function.

Perhaps animal
studies don’t faze you. (I mean, who cares about hermaphroditic fish or frogs
that switch sexes?) Well, maybe this study, published in Environmental
Research, will. Researchers from Colorado State University
and the Vermont Department of Health looked at women in farm towns in Illinois
and Vermont. And they found that simply drinking a couple glasses a day of tap
water with detectable but low levels of atrazine was enough to disrupt a
woman’s menstrual cycle and her hormone levels. According to the article in Environmental Health News:

The
women from Illinois farm towns were nearly five times more likely to report
irregular periods than the Vermont women, and more than six times as likely to
go more than six weeks between periods. In addition, the Illinois women had significantly
lower levels of estrogen during an important part of the menstrual cycle.

Tap
water in the Illinois communities had double the concentration of atrazine in
the Vermont communities’ water. Nevertheless, the water in both states was far
below the federal drinking water standard currently enforced by the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency.

And the more
glasses of water the women drank, the more screwed up their hormones became.

All the usual
caveats that accompany a single scientific study should apply. But as the first
study I mentioned demonstrated, there is more than ample evidence that atrazine
poses a serious health hazard. And this latest research suggests the danger of
exposure at levels Americans—especially in the Midwest—ingest on a daily
basis.

Now, the EPA is in
the midst of a review of atrazine’s safety—and the reality of the chemical’s
toxicity is leaking out. As Mother Jones noted, an independent panel convened by the
agency to examine the herbicide’s cancer risk provided “a list of cancers for
which there is ‘suggestive evidence of carcinogenic potential’: ovarian cancer,
non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, hairy-cell leukemia, and thyroid cancer”—with the
evidence for a connection to thyroid cancer singled out as “strong.”

Despite that
evidence, however, the panel’s final statement was the milquetoast
recommendation that the EPA in essence alter its atrazine warning from
“unlikely to be carcinogenic to humans” to “inadequate information to
assess carcinogenic potential.” Um. Really? That’s progress? Because other
than that linguistic alteration, the EPA plans no action any time soon (a fact
that demonstrates the massive pressure they must be under from the chemical
industry).

Damn Syngenta’s profits. There’s simply no excuse for the continued use of this chemical. Yes,
it might make operations simpler for mega-corn farmers, but at what cost? After all, Europe may have plenty of problems,
but failed corn harvests due to a seven-year-old atrazine ban isn’t one of them.

So, can someone
explain to me why the needs of a single company and the convenience of a group
of industrial farmers outweigh the health of millions—yes, millions—of
Americans? Anyone?

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How the ‘peaceful atom’ became a serial killer

March 27th, 2011 admin No comments

by Chip Ward.

This essay was originally published on TomDispatch and is republished here with Tom’s kind permission.

When nuclear reactors blow, the first thing that melts down is the truth. Just as in the Chernobyl catastrophe almost 25 years ago when Soviet authorities denied the extent of radiation and downplayed the dire situation that was spiraling out of control, Japanese authorities spent the first week of the Fukushima crisis issuing conflicting and confusing reports. We were told that radiation levels were up, then down, then up, but nobody aside from those Japanese bureaucrats could verify the levels and few trusted their accuracy. The situation is under control, they told us, but workers are being evacuated. There is no danger of contamination, but stay inside and seal your doors.

The first atomic snow job

The bureaucratization of horror into bland and reassuring pronouncements was to be expected, especially from an industry where misinformation is the rule. Although you might suppose that the nuclear industry’s outstanding characteristic would be its expertise, since it’s loaded with junior Einsteins who grasp the math and physics required to master the most awesomely sophisticated technology humans have ever created, think again. Based on the record, its most outstanding characteristic is a fundamental dishonesty. I learned that the hard way as a grassroots activist organizing opposition to a scheme hatched by a consortium of nuclear utilities to park thousands of tons of highly radioactive fuel rods, like the ones now burning at Fukushima, in my Utah backyard.

Here’s what I took away from that experience: The nuclear industry is a snake-oil culture of habitual misrepresentation, pervasive wishful thinking, deep denial, and occasional outright deception. For more than 50 years, it has habitually lied about risks and costs while covering up every violation and failure it could. Whether or not its proponents and spokespeople are dishonest or merely deluded can be debated, but the outcome—dangerous misinformation and the meltdown of honest civic discourse—remains the same, as we once again see at Fukushima.

Established at the dawn of the nuclear age, the pattern of dissemblance had become a well-worn rut long before the Japanese reactors spun out of control. In the early 1950s, the disciples of nuclear power, or the “peaceful atom” as it was then called, insisted that nuclear power would soon become so cheap and efficient that it would be offered to consumers for free. Visionaries that they were, they suggested that cities would be constructed with building materials impregnated with uranium so that snow removal would be unnecessary. Atomic bombs, they urged, should be used to carve out new coastal harbors for ships. In low doses, they swore, radiation was actually beneficial to one’s health.

Such notions and outright fantasies, as well as propaganda for a new industry and a new way of war—even if laughable today—had tragic results back then. Thousands of American GIs, for instance, were marched into ground zero just after above-ground nuclear tests had been set off to observe their responses to what military planners assumed would be the atomic battlefield of the future. Ignorance, it turns out, is not bliss, and thousands of those soldiers later became ill. Many died young.

Unwary civilians who lived downwind of America’s western testing grounds were also exposed to nuclear fallout and they, too, suffered horribly from a variety of cancers and other illnesses. Uranium miners exposed to radiation in the tunnels where they wrestled from the earth the raw materials for the nuclear age also became ill and died too soon, as did workers processing that uranium into weapons and fuel. Many of those miners were poor Navajos from my backyard in Utah where a new uranium boom, part of the so-called nuclear renaissance, was—before Fukushima—set to take shape.

How unlikely risks become inevitable

In the future, today’s low-risk claims from industry advocates will undoubtedly seem as tragically naïve as yesterday’s false claims. Yes, the likelihood that any specific nuclear power plant reactor will melt down may be slim indeed—which hardly means inconceivable—but to act as though nuclear risks are limited to the operation of power plants is misleading in the extreme. “Spent fuel” from reactors (the kind burning in Japan as I write) is produced as a plant operates, and that fuel remains super hot and dangerous for hundreds, if not thousands, of years. As we are learning to our sorrow at the Fukushima complex, such used fuel is hardly “spent.” In fact, it can be even more radioactive and dangerous than reactor cores.

Spent fuel continues to pile up in a nuclear waste stream that will have to be closely managed and monitored for eons, so long that those designing nuclear-waste repositories struggle with the problem of signage that might be intelligible in a future so distant today’s languages may not be understood. You might think that a danger virulent enough to outlast human languages would be a danger to avoid, but the hubris of the nuclear establishment is equal to its willingness to deceive.

A natural disaster, accident, or terrorist attack that might be statistically unlikely in any year or decade becomes ever more likely at the half-century, century, or half-millennium mark. Given enough time, in fact, the unlikely becomes almost inevitable. Even if you and I are not the victims of some future apocalyptic disturbance of that lethal residue, to consign our children, grandchildren, or great-grandchildren to such peril is plainly and profoundly immoral.

Nuclear proponents have long wanted to limit the discussion of risk to plant operation alone, not to the storage of dangerous wastes, and they remain eager to ignore altogether the risks inherent in transporting nuclear waste (often called “mobile Chernobyl” by nuclear critics). Moving those spent fuel rods to future repositories represents a rarely acknowledged category of potential catastrophe. Just imagine a trainload of hot nuclear waste derailing catastrophically along a major urban corridor with the ensuing evacuations of nearby inhabitants. It means, in essence, that one of those Fukushima “pools” of out-of-control waste could “go nuclear” anywhere in our landscape.

Risk is about more than likelihood; it’s also about impact. If I tell you that your chances of being bitten by a mosquito as you cross my yard are one in a hundred, you’ll think of that risk differently than if I give you the same odds on a deadly pit viper. As events unfold in Japan, it’s ever clearer that we’re talking pit viper, not mosquito. You wouldn’t know it though if you were to debate nuclear industry representatives, who consistently downplay both odds and impact, and dismiss those who claim otherwise as hysterical doomsayers. Fukushima will assumedly make their task somewhat more difficult.

Hidden costs and wasted subsidies

The true costs of nuclear power are another subject carefully fudged and obscured by nuclear power advocates. From its inception in federally funded labs, nuclear power has been highly subsidized. A recent report by the Union of Concerned Scientists found that “more than 30 subsidies have supported every stage of the nuclear fuel cycle from uranium mining to long-term waste storage. Added together, these subsidies have often exceeded the average market price for the power produced.” When it comes to producing electricity, these subsidies are so extensive, the report concludes, that “in some cases it would have cost taxpayers less to simply buy the kilowatts on the open market and give them away.”

If the nuclear club in Congress, led by Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, gets its way, billions more in subsidies will be forthcoming, including massive federal loan guarantees to build the next generation of nuclear plants. These are particularly important to the industry, since bankers won’t otherwise touch projects that are notorious for mammoth cost overruns, lengthy delays, and abrupt cancellations.

The Obama administration has already proposed an additional $36 billion in such guarantees to underwrite new plant construction. That includes $4 billion for the construction of two new nuclear reactors on the Gulf Coast that are to be operated in partnership with Tokyo Electric Power Company—that’s right, the very outfit that runs the Fukushima complex. Yet when I debate nuclear advocates, they always claim that, in cost terms, nuclear power outcompetes alternative sources of energy like wind and solar.

That government gravy train doesn’t just stop at new power plants either. The feds have long assumed the epic costs of waste management and storage. If another multi-billion dollar project like the now-abandoned Yucca Mountain repository in Nevada is built, it will be with dollars from taxpayers and captive ratepayers (the free market be damned). Industry spokesmen insist that subsidizing such projects will be well worth it, since they will create thousands of new jobs. Unfortunately for them, a definitive 2009 University of Massachusetts study that analyzed various infrastructure investments including wind, solar, and retrofitting buildings to conserve energy placed nuclear dead last in job creation.

The recently renewed Price-Anderson Nuclear Industries Indemnity Act limits the liability of nuclear utilities should a catastrophe like the one in Japan happen here in the United States. The costs of recovery from the Fukushima catastrophe will be astronomical. In the U.S., nuclear utilities would be off the hook for any of those costs and you, the citizen, would foot the bill. Despite their assurances that nothing can go wrong here, nuclear industry officials have made sure that in their business risk and reward are carefully separated. It’s a scenario we should all know well: Private corporations take away profits when things go well, and taxpayers assume responsibility when shit happens.

Finally, nuclear power boosters like to proclaim themselves “green” and to claim that their industry is the ideal antidote to global warming since it produces no greenhouse gas emissions. In doing so, they hide the real environmental footprint of nuclear energy.

It’s quite true that no carbon dioxide comes out of power-plant smokestacks. However, maintaining any future infrastructure to handle the industry’s toxic waste is guaranteed to produce lots of carbon dioxide. So does mining uranium and processing it into fuel rods, building massive reactors from concrete and steel, and then behemoth repositories capable of holding waste for 1,000 years. Radiation from the Fukushima meltdown is now entering the Japanese food chain. How green is that?

The watchdogs play dead

Over the course of nuclear power’s history, there have been scores of mishaps, accidents, violations, and problems that, chances are, you’ve never heard about. Beyond the unavoidable bad PR over the partial meltdown at Three Mile Island in 1979, the Chernobyl meltdown in 1986, and now the Japanese catastrophe, the industry has an excellent record—of covering up its failures.

The co-dependent relationship between the nuclear corporations and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), the federal agency charged with licensing and monitoring them, resembles the cozy relationship between the Securities Exchange Commission and Wall Street before the global economic meltdown of 2008. The NRC relies heavily on the industry’s own reports since only a small fraction of its activities can be inspected yearly.

A report by the Union of Concerned Scientists, “The NRC and Nuclear Power Plant Safety in 2010,” which highlights the NRC’s haphazard record of inspection and enforcement, makes clear just why the honor system that assumes utilities will honestly report problems has never worked. It describes 14 recent serious “near miss” violations that initially went unreported. At the Indian Point Nuclear Power Plant, only 38 miles north of the New York metropolitan area, for instance, NRC inspectors ignored a leaking water containment system for 15 years.

After a leaking roof forced the shutdown of two reactors at the Calvert Cliffs nuclear facility in Maryland, plant managers admitted that it had been leaking for eight years. When Honeywell hired temporary workers to replace striking union members at its uranium refinery in Illinois, they were slipped the correct answers to a test required for those allowed to work at nuclear plants, because otherwise they had neither the knowledge nor experience to pass.

The regulation of Japan’s nuclear industry mirrors the American model. Japan’s legacy of regulatory scandals, falsified safety records, underestimated risks, and cover-ups includes an incident in 1999 when workers mixed uranium in open buckets and exposed hundreds of coworkers to radiation. Two later died. Other scandals involved hiding cracks in steam pipes from regulators in 1989, lying about a fire and explosion at a plant near Tokyo in 1997, and covering up damage to a plant from an earthquake in 2007.

In the wake of the Fukushima catastrophe, we will no doubt discover how there, too, so-called watchdogs rolled over and played dead. In recent years, in fact, the Fukushima complex had the highest accident rate of any of the big Japanese nuclear plants. We’ve already learned that an engineer who helped design and supervise the construction of the steel pressure vessel that holds the melting fuel rods in Reactor No. 4 warned that it was damaged during production. He had himself initially orchestrated a cover-up of this fact, but revealed it a decade later—only to be ignored. During the complex’s construction by General Electric some 35 years ago, Dale Bridenbaugh, a GE employee, resigned after becoming convinced that the reactors being built were seriously flawed. He, too, was ignored. The Vermont Yankee reactor in Vermont and 23 others around the U.S. replicate that design.

Stay tuned, since more examples of reckless management will surely come to light …

Risk is not a math problem

That culture of secrecy is a logical fit for an industry that is authoritarian by nature. Unlike solar or wind power, nuclear power requires massive investments of capital, highly specialized expertise, robust security, and centralized control. Any local citizen facing the impact of a uranium mine, a power plant, or a proposed waste depository will attest that the owners, operators, and regulators of the industry are remote, unresponsive, and inaccessible. They misinform because they have the power to get away with it. The absence of meaningful checks and balances enables them.

Risk, antinuclear advocates quickly learn, is not simply some complicated math problem to be resolved by experts. Risk is, above all, a question of who is put at risk for whose benefit, of how the rewards, costs, and liabilities of an activity are distributed and whether that distribution is fair. Those are political questions that citizens directly affected should be answering for themselves. When it comes to nuclear power, that doesn’t happen because the industry is undemocratic to its core. Corporate officers treat downwind stakeholders with the same contempt they reserve for honest accountings of the industry’s costs and dangers.

It may be difficult for the average citizen to unpack the technicalities of nuclear power, or understand the complex physics and engineering involved in splitting atoms to make steam to produce electricity. But most of us are good at detecting bullshit. We know when something like the nuclear industry doesn’t pass the smell test.

There is a growing realization that our carbon-based energy system is warming and endangering this planet, but replacing coal and oil with nuclear power is like trading heroin for crack—different addictions, but no less unhealthy or risky. The “nuclear renaissance,” like the “peaceful atom” before it, is the energy equivalent of a three-card monte game, involving the same capitalist crooks who gave us oil spills, bank bailouts, and so many of the other rip-offs and scams that have plagued our lives in this new century.

They are serial killers. Stop them before they kill again. Credibility counts and you don’t need a PhD or a Geiger counter to detect it.

Related Links:

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Got a killer smart grid idea? General Electric’s got $200 million to spend on it

July 15th, 2010 admin No comments

by Todd Woody.

Got a killer smart grid idea? General Electric has $200
million to spend.

Jeff Immelt, chief executive of the industrial conglomerate,
flew into San Francisco to announce on Tuesday that GE was hooking up with
prominent venture capital firms from Silicon Valley, the East Coast, and Europe
to offer a supersized version of the X Prize for innovation.

(GE and the participating venture capitalists are each contributing $100 million to the challenge.)

“We really believe this digital energy space is going to
move fast and big as an economic proposition,” Immelt said before a hundred or
so of Silicon Valley’s green tech elite who gathered for a lavish press event
at the neo-classical Bently Reserve building in downtown San Francisco. “It
also lays the groundwork for everything that needs to be done in an energy
future, from nuclear to renewables.”

“GE can offer 50 to 60 percent of the solutions,” he added.
“But the only way we can grow is by partnering with the venture community.”

And you too, Grist reader. GE will essentially crowdsource
ideas, business plans, and potential startup acquisitions at a new site called Ecomagination
Challenge: Powering the Grid
.
(“Ecomagination” is how GE brands its various environmental and green
technology ventures and initiatives.)

Between now and September 30 you can submit ideas and vote
on the best ones—the one scoring the most reader votes, and GE’s approval,
wins $50,000. The company and its venture partners will award five other
entries $100,000 each, which could lead to further equity
investment.

A day into the smart grid challenge, ideas submitted from
around the world range from wind farms on the Great Lakes to a proposal to
“harness the energy from the Earth’s rotation.”

Now it’s doubtful that any startup entrepreneur worth her
seed funding will risk floating  a
potential multimillion-dollar idea for all to see. But GE’s partnership with
venture capital firms such as Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers and Rockport Capital
Partners—not to mention its use of social media to troll for innovative ideas—speaks to the challenges of building a smart grid.

First we need to define what a smart grid is. Comparing it
to the Internet is a favored analogy. The current power transmission system is
patchwork of early-to-mid 20th century technology that sends
electricity from power plants to homes, offices, and factories. It’s essentially
a one-way, analog system.

What Immelt calls “digital energy” will transform the power
grid into a two-way, interactive system through the use of software, sensors,
and other devices that allow utilities and grid operators to control and monitor
energy use from the household level up, as well as get real-time data on
electricity demand and supply. The various parts of the grid—transformers,
substations, power lines—will communicate digitally, alerting operators, for
instance, when a component has failed.

The ability to collect and analyze such grid data is
crucial for the mass expansion of renewable energy. Most forms of green energy—solar and wind, for instance—are intermittent and increasingly
decentralized; there are more than 31,000 rooftop solar installations in
California alone.

To maximize renewable energy production and minimize
greenhouse gas emissions, utilities and grid operators must be able to balance
electricity being fed into the grid from tens of thousands of such sources
along with energy from centralized fossil fuel power stations. 

And in the coming years, utilities will need to know the
location and charging status of tens of thousands of electric cars, each one
automobile battery both a consumer and a potential provider of electricity. (If
100,000 cars plug in at 9 p.m. in California just as wind farms hit peak
production, a utility will want to use that emission-free electricity to charge up
emission-free vehicles rather than rely on, say, natural gas-fired power
plants.)

That also means giving consumers data about their
electricity use so they can manage their own personal grid to reduce and
balance their energy consumption.

The Internet analogy only goes so far, however. Digitalizing
the grid is infinitely more complicated than building and commercializing the
Net. The power grid is controlled and owned by thousands of utilities and
operators, subject to state and federal regulation.

“We didn’t
deal with the regulatory context that the smart grid has to,” Paul Koontz, a partner with Foundation
Capital, said at the Tuesday event, referring to the early days of the
Internet. “We had a little more latitude to do things on the hairy edge. The
Internet wasn’t considered mission critical back then.”

Chuck McDermott
of RockPort Capital likened the jumble of old technologies layered on top of
the aging power grid to “a 100-year-old hairball that we’ll have to unwind over
a period of time.”

Immelt estimated that detangling that hairball is at least a
$15 billion business opportunity.

Kleiner Perkins’ Ray Lane said creating technologies to
improve the efficiency of the grid is not the challenge. The challenge is scaling
those technologies across a patchwork of transmission systems.

“This is a slow fat rabbit,” said Lane about the current
power grid. “You could apply elementary technology to this and reap benefits.”

But for all the talk Tuesday of cooperation between the East
Coast-based global behemoth and the fast-moving venture capitalists of Silicon
Valley, it’s clear that GE also poses an immense competitive threat to many of
the green tech startups those VCs have been nurturing with their cash and
expertise.

Immelt made clear that GE has gone green for the green.

“If we had to do it over again, we wouldn’t use the word
green,” he said, referring to Ecomagination. “What it’s about is
industrialization, commerce, and profit.”

He estimated that if GE’s 92 Ecomagination products—with
30 more to come later this year—were collected into a standalone business it
would rank No. 130 in the Fortune 500.

On display Tuesday in galleries surrounding the atrium where
Immelt spoke were dozens of green GE products, from a wind turbine to two of
the company’s newest offerings, a gadget called Nucleus that monitors your home
electricity use and an electric car charger called WattStation.

Both devices should send shivers throughout Silicon Valley
as they compete with products and
services being developed by a host of startups.

The WattStation is a sleek colorful pedestal that looks like
it could have sprung from Steve Job’s imagination and is designed for city streets. (A mockup was placed outside the Bently Reserve
alongside a Nissan Leaf electric car.)

“We wanted it to be more like greenery in the city rather
than a large piece of infrastructure,” said Yves Behar, the noted designer who created the device’s look.

Needless to say, the
WattStation is smart grid ready.

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